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Heres a **CIVICVS-style draft** you can drop into your workspace. Ive kept it lean and transcript-ready.
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# Civic Analysis (Draft): Missouris District-by-District Supermajority for Citizen Initiatives
## Source
Lara Bonatesta. *“Missouri voters to decide on 2026 measure to create a first-of-its-kind citizen initiative supermajority requirement.”*
**Ballotpedia, Daily Brew**, 18 September 2025.
[https://info.ballotpedia.org/dm?id=34D56BF65BDE86C99102C4F577E443A96E43630501AD63A4](https://info.ballotpedia.org/dm?id=34D56BF65BDE86C99102C4F577E443A96E43630501AD63A4)
(Local copy preserved as `DailyBrew__Missouri_Supermajority_2026.pdf`).
*Accessed 18 September 2025, 11:15 AM (CDT).*
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## Claim in the Record
Missouri will place on the **Nov. 3, 2026** ballot a constitutional amendment that replaces a single statewide majority with a requirement that **citizen-initiated constitutional amendments win a simple majority in *each* congressional district (8 of 8)**—a *first-of-its-kind* rule in the U.S. .
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## Record Snapshot (salient facts)
* **Novelty:** Eleven states use supermajority thresholds for some ballot measures, but **none** require approval in **each congressional district** .
* **Current map context:** Missouri has **6 Republican** and **2 Democratic** U.S. House districts; all eight were won by double digits in 2024 .
* **Legislative path:** HJR 3 passed the House **9858** (98 R yes; 52 D + 6 R no) and the Senate **2111** (21 R yes; 9 D + 2 R no) .
* **Stated justifications:** Proponents frame it as ensuring “broad consensus” across equally populated districts; opponents argue it **dilutes citizen power** and imposes a stricter standard on citizen initiatives than on legislature-referred measures .
* **Bundled provisions:** Adds a constitutional ban on foreign national contributions — this would constitutionalize a state-level prohibition for ballot-measure campaigns, which federal law does not clearly cover; many states have enacted similar bans, and some are under active litigation (e.g., Maine).
* **Another moving part:** The General Assembly approved **new congressional district boundaries** this month, relevant because the proposal hardwires district consent into the initiative process .
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## Method View (what this measure *does*, civically)
**Unit of consent** is shifted from **one statewide electorate** to **eight separate district electorates**. A simple statewide majority can be **nullified** by failing to win a majority in any single district. This is not a mere threshold increase; it is a **structural veto** inserted at the district level.
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## Civic Effects (testable, record-based)
1. **Minority Veto via Map Structure**
Given a stable 62 district alignment, a statewide majority could be blocked by failing to carry all eight districts—even when overall votes favor passage. The veto power **tracks district lines**, not aggregate consent .
2. **Asymmetry Between Citizens and Legislature**
Opponents note the stricter standard applies to **citizen-initiated** constitutional amendments but not to measures placed by the **legislature**, creating an institutional preference against direct democracy .
3. **Constitutionalizing Procedure**
Bundled items (foreign money ban, hearings, full text with ballots) move procedural controls from statute to **constitutional** status, raising the cost of later reform—even for benign administrative tweaks .
4. **Sensitivity to Redistricting**
Because district majorities become dispositive, **district boundaries** (and their partisan geography) gain outsized influence over the initiative process. The article notes new maps were just approved, which heightens this sensitivity .
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## Arguments in the Record (verbatim direction, summarized)
* **Proponents:** District majorities ensure “broad consensus” across equally populated districts—fairness by geography and population parity .
* **Opponents:** It **dilutes citizen votes** and applies unequal standards to citizen vs. legislature-initiated measures—removing power from people and insulating lawmakers preferred route .
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## CIVICVS Reading (civic consequence)
The complexity here is functional: by **redefining consent**, the rule makes success contingent on **map-distributed** approval rather than **statewide** approval. In practical terms, it **narrows** the future capacity of citizens to amend their constitution and **elevates** district line-drawing as a gatekeeper to constitutional change. The record supports classifying this as **structural manipulation cloaked in consensus language**—a predictable effect traceable to the current 62 district reality and the newly approved boundaries .
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## Predictions (falsifiable)
* Measures that poll **>55% statewide** but are **ideologically uneven** across districts will **fail** more often than under current rules.
* Pass likelihood will correlate more tightly with **district partisan distribution** than with **statewide median voter** preferences.
* Post-2026, there will be a measurable **drop** in the number of successful **citizen-initiated constitutional amendments** relative to pre-change baselines (controlling for topic mix).
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If you want, I can now append a **short “Record Table”** (votes, map split, bundled provisions) to this draft for quick reference, or keep it exactly as-is.